This time they were watched over by regular Army and Alabama National Guard units ordered by President Johnson to protect the marchers against further violence. On March 21, more than one thousand people left Brown Chapel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Selma and set out for Montgomery. He called the events in Selma “a turning point in man's unending search for freedom." He compared the march to the Revolutionary War battles of Concord and Lexington. In it, he introduced voting rights legislation. Most viewers had never heard of Selma, but after March 7, they would never forget it.Įight days after “Bloody Sunday,” President Lyndon Johnson made a famous and powerful speech to a joint session of Congress. Instead, six hundred people were attacked by state troopers and mounted deputies dressed in full riot gear. The marchers were protesting a brutal murder and the denial of their constitutional right to vote. They were attempting to march peacefully from the small town of Selma, Alabama, to Montgomery, the state capital. Their programs were interrupted with shocking images of African-American men and women being beaten with billy clubs in a cloud of tear gas. Millions of people all over the United States were watching television on Sunday night, March 7, 1965. Despite previous legislation, by 1965 most Southern Black men and women were still blocked from voting. This legislation sought to achieve equal education, access to places of public accommodation and transportation, and equal employment. Media helped generate the outrage and widespread support needed for the passage of civil rights legislation. Peaceful demonstrations attracted media coverage, particularly when they were met with violent opposition. became internationally known for promoting, supporting, and participating in nonviolent disobedience. In the 1950s and 1960s, many civil rights organizations turned to mass demonstrations and nonviolent acts of civil disobedience. These included poll taxes, literacy tests, rules that limited voting to people whose ancestors had voted in the past, and party primary elections that were limited to whites.Ĭivil rights workers had long recognized that the right to vote was central to achieving full citizenship. However, Black citizens attempting to vote encountered often insurmountable barriers. Reading:īy 1965, African Americans in the United States had possessed the right to vote for almost a hundred years. Hungary receives special attention: the data show that people living there are far less closed and xenophobic than they might seem through the prism of a media-instigated moral panic.John Lewis (in the foreground) being beaten by state troopers, March 7, 1965. The authors reconstruct the competing sociological reactions to migration in the forms of integration, assimilation and segregation. The book provides a detailed overview of how citizens in Europe are coping with a xenophobia fueled by their own sense of insecurity. In the authors' view, a critical test for Europe will be its ability to find adequate responses to the challenges of globalization. It is based on data from the International Social Survey Programme, a global cross-national collaborative exercise, with surveys made in 1995, 2003, and 2013. This study analyses experiences relating to migration in 23 European countries. The emergence of the nations in the West promised homogenization, but instead the imagined national communities have everywhere become places of heterogeneity, and modern nation states have been haunted by the specter of minorities. Nation and Migration provides a way to understand recent migration events in Europe that have attracted the world's attention.
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